Since Duterte and Robredo came from different political parties because the Philippines allows split-ticket voting for president and vice president, both have pursued conflicting policy stances.
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This harassment is nothing new to Robredo, especially under President Rodrigo Duterte’s administration. Her eldest daughter has even been targeted with a fabricated sex video meant to humiliate their family and derail their campaign. Worse, she is constantly attacked with misogynistic slurs, disinformation, and fake news. Robredo is also held to a higher standard of competency than her male competitors, forcing her to deal with more pressure and expectations, yet getting less respect and recognition. She is viewed as a caring “mother” willing to fight for her children – the Philippine nation – which fits into Philippine conceptions of what a woman should be. It is within this context that Robredo’s presidential campaign operates. If they display masculine behaviours like the overtly combative Collins, they risk being seen as a competent leader but not a likeable person. If they project traditionally feminine behaviours of kindness and compassion the way Ardern does, they risk being seen as a good woman but not an effective leader. Never just right.” During the 2020 New Zealand elections, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern and rival Judith Collins represented opposing expectations of gendered leadership, highlighting the double bind women face.
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Such dilemma presents a “damn if you, doomed if you don’t” situation for female politicians: “Too soft. Women leaders therefore find themselves in a double bind.
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“Though it is wrong,” according to a man interviewed in an article, “we have to work within the system.” Moreover, men who do not consider themselves as sexist believe that because the world is sexist, women are likely to be weaker and men will tend to have more authority. If people think that gender balance already exists, they are less likely to elect female leaders. A study on women’s political representation explains that since they see more female leaders in schools and offices, they tend to overestimate the presence of women in power. Less obvious is the unconscious gender bias among young male voters, according to the Reykjavík Index for Leadership. Australia’s first female prime minister, Julia Gillard, also endured sexist attacks during her term (2010-2013), which prompted her to deliver her famous misogyny speech that shed light on the nation’s toxic blokey political culture. The most pernicious trend is the semiotic violence they face, using language or visuals to slut-shame, ridicule, or “mansplain.” Since becoming president of Taiwan in 2016, Tsai Ing-wen has been portrayed as “extremist,” “erratic,” and unfit for the job for being a childless, single woman.
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Such patriarchal norms reinforce gender biases that promote hostility toward women in power. As long as male anatomy and hypermasculinity are expected of state leadership, women’s credibility as leaders will always be suspect. These characteristics explain the popularity of strongman leaders, as voters feel assured of their promise of certainty in uncertain times. One Philippine senator metaphorically referred to men’s testicles as a requirement for would-be presidents, as leadership is commonly associated with masculine behaviour – being assertive, decisive, and competitive. As with other women in politics, she is confronted with the perennial gender stereotypes and biases that have plagued her campaign and throughout her term.ĭespite more women assuming powerful roles, they continue to suffer from sexism in many democratic societies as gender stereotypes tend to favour men as leaders. Yet despite her notable credentials in public service, Robredo faces an uphill battle to win over voters. “The best man for the job is a woman,” says Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo, the lone female presidential candidate in the May elections. She must also contend with patriarchal norms of leadership. Like other women leaders across the world, Robredo does not only compete for votes.